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India, Bharat and Pakistan: The Constitutional Journey of a Sandwiched Civilisation

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India, Bharat and Pakistan, the second book of the Bharat Trilogy, takes the discussion forward from its bestselling predecessor, India, That Is Bharat. It explores the combined influence of European and Middle Eastern colonialities on Bharat as the successor state to the Indic civilisation, and on the origins of the Indian Constitution. To this end, the book traces the th India, Bharat and Pakistan, the second book of the Bharat Trilogy, takes the discussion forward from its bestselling predecessor, India, That Is Bharat. It explores the combined influence of European and Middle Eastern colonialities on Bharat as the successor state to the Indic civilisation, and on the origins of the Indian Constitution. To this end, the book traces the thought continuum of Middle Eastern coloniality, from the rise of Islamic Revivalism in the 1740s following the decline of the Mughal Empire, which presaged the idea of Pakistan, until the end of the Khilafat Movement in 1925, which cemented the road to Pakistan. The book also describes the collaboration of convenience that was forged between the proponents of Middle Eastern coloniality and the British colonial establishment to the detriment of the Indic civilisation. One of the objectives of this book is to help the reader draw parallels between the challenges faced by the Indic civilisation in the tumultuous period from 1740 to 1925, and the present-day. Its larger goal remains the same as that of the first, which is to enthuse Bharatiyas to undertake a critical decolonial study of Bharat's history, especially in the context of the Constitution, so that the religiosity towards the document is moderated by a sense of proportion, perspective and purpose.


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India, Bharat and Pakistan, the second book of the Bharat Trilogy, takes the discussion forward from its bestselling predecessor, India, That Is Bharat. It explores the combined influence of European and Middle Eastern colonialities on Bharat as the successor state to the Indic civilisation, and on the origins of the Indian Constitution. To this end, the book traces the th India, Bharat and Pakistan, the second book of the Bharat Trilogy, takes the discussion forward from its bestselling predecessor, India, That Is Bharat. It explores the combined influence of European and Middle Eastern colonialities on Bharat as the successor state to the Indic civilisation, and on the origins of the Indian Constitution. To this end, the book traces the thought continuum of Middle Eastern coloniality, from the rise of Islamic Revivalism in the 1740s following the decline of the Mughal Empire, which presaged the idea of Pakistan, until the end of the Khilafat Movement in 1925, which cemented the road to Pakistan. The book also describes the collaboration of convenience that was forged between the proponents of Middle Eastern coloniality and the British colonial establishment to the detriment of the Indic civilisation. One of the objectives of this book is to help the reader draw parallels between the challenges faced by the Indic civilisation in the tumultuous period from 1740 to 1925, and the present-day. Its larger goal remains the same as that of the first, which is to enthuse Bharatiyas to undertake a critical decolonial study of Bharat's history, especially in the context of the Constitution, so that the religiosity towards the document is moderated by a sense of proportion, perspective and purpose.

30 review for India, Bharat and Pakistan: The Constitutional Journey of a Sandwiched Civilisation

  1. 5 out of 5

    Siddhartha Gupta

    This book discusses about impact of Islamic revivalism on Hindu Civilization. This book at length discusses about Barelvi movement, Dehlawi movement and Deobandi movement and its subsequent impact on developing fissiparous tendencies amongst Muslims which gradually culminated in partition of sacred geography of Bharat. One shortcoming of this book is that author has reproduced verbatim extracts of speeches and resolutions making it a turgid read. Well I don't mind that but almost half of the boo This book discusses about impact of Islamic revivalism on Hindu Civilization. This book at length discusses about Barelvi movement, Dehlawi movement and Deobandi movement and its subsequent impact on developing fissiparous tendencies amongst Muslims which gradually culminated in partition of sacred geography of Bharat. One shortcoming of this book is that author has reproduced verbatim extracts of speeches and resolutions making it a turgid read. Well I don't mind that but almost half of the book is reproduction of verbatim extracts. A line has to be drawn and such extracts must be limited since it tends to impede the coherency and flow while reading. It eventually loses the essence which books wants to convey. The author could have summarized extracts in his own words and the verbatim extracts could have been added in appendix section and only important part should have been retained in the main body of text. Personally I find India that is Bhart much more interesting and better in terms of academic research.

  2. 4 out of 5

    madhu

    India, Bharat and Pakistan, the second book of the Bharat Trilogy, takes the discussion forward from its bestselling predecessor, ‘India That Is Bharat’. This book beautifully elucidates, how the real ‘Bharatiya civilization’ has been crushed between the need of Islamic ‘Pakistan’ by Muslims and non-existing secularization of ‘India’ by Congress, an apt title of ‘sandwiched civilization’. Author provides verbatim extracts from the speeches and resolutions which covers more than half of the book. India, Bharat and Pakistan, the second book of the Bharat Trilogy, takes the discussion forward from its bestselling predecessor, ‘India That Is Bharat’. This book beautifully elucidates, how the real ‘Bharatiya civilization’ has been crushed between the need of Islamic ‘Pakistan’ by Muslims and non-existing secularization of ‘India’ by Congress, an apt title of ‘sandwiched civilization’. Author provides verbatim extracts from the speeches and resolutions which covers more than half of the book. This may be due to the fact that, he being a lawyer, used to providing evidence as exhibits in the court (providing the document in its original form to prove the content are true and proving the execution of content by providing the reference of events that succeed) to prove his inferences as, res ipsa loquitor (the matter speaks for itself). Personally, this was not needed as it disturbs the flow of reading. However, author could have felt this method was needed as he was alleging big on the national leaders of that time. On completing this book, all the larger than life images of our freedom fighters that our text books has painstakingly built over years, will be pulverized into fine dust. JSD with unquestionable references ( more than 400) changes our openion of our national leaders for ever. However, author also clarifies that he should not "be misunderstood as running down all the contributions of the founders of the Indian National Congress in my decolonial quest, I should clarify something: It could well be argued that coloniality was not just a product of conditioning but was also a pragmatic necessity to survive under the colonial administration" ( Loc 3634-3638 ) while the "First book , evident from its subtitle, was to present the birth of contemporary constitutionalism in Bharat as a continuum of the religious, social, political and economic structures established by the European coloniser in Bharat " (Loc 125-127 ) the second book talks about less spoken middle eastern imperialism.  Starting from Aurangzeb, author gives  panoramic view of all-important events "between 1905 and 1924, which witnessed a partnership of convenience between European and Middle Eastern colonialities. Therefore, not only is it important to assess the Constitution for the impact of European coloniality, it is equally imperative to examine it for the influence of Middle Eastern coloniality "( Loc 141-143 ) which is the main topic of the book. Undoubtedly, "this book may serve as the bridge between the first and the third books"( Loc 183-183 ) where the combined impact of European and Middle Eastern colonialities on the evolution of constitutional is spoken. The book is divided into 3 section which are between 1740-1898, between 1899-1909 and finally between 1910-1924, in 9 chapters, viz., 1The Seeds of Pakistan, the main argument presented here is the idea of Pakistan did not start ex nihilo, but was there from the time Mughals got decimated by Maratas which is evident from work & vision of  Dehlawi, Syed Ahmad Sirhindi to reclaim ‘Muslim lands’ had laid out the template not just for the Khilafat Movement, but also for the Pakistan Movement 2 Syed Ahmed Khan,explains the struggle of achieve the goals of the Dehlawite vision through more realistic approach of an Islamic learning  combined with Western education to produce individuals who could navigate the colonial state and reclaim Muslim state power. 3 The Partition of Bengal talks about the events  between 1899 to 1905 that led to the Partition of Bengal in 1905, its effect and the behaviour of Muslim and Hindus 4  Moderate Nationalism talks about the period following the Partition of Bengal in October 1905 and sequence of events leading up to the enactment of the Minto–Morley Reforms of 1909  in some detail. 5 The Indian Councils Act of 1909 charts the journey of the Congress and the Muslim League between 1907 and 1909, which contributed to the Councils Act od 1909 6 Reunification of Bengal,talks about short lived "Ganga–Jamuni Tehzeeb", how Muslim league advanced there Islamic agenda and congress back stabbed hindus for the want of muslim support. 5 From the Home Rule Movement to Rumblings of Khilafat ,discuss the period from 1917 to 1918, which covers the Home Rule Movement, the Montford Reforms and the beginnings of active Khilafat at the end of the First World War. 8 Gandhi, Rowlatt, Government of India Act of 1919, Khilafat and Non-Cooperation chapter discusses the momentous events of the period between 1919 and 1924, which cemented the road to Pakistan through further entrenchment of pan-Islamism and Muslim separatism 9 Malegaon, Malabar, Gulbarga and Kohat The Two-Nation Theory in Action though there were frequent and many riots in Bengal, Punjab and NWFP were to be expected to the point of exodus, author covers only Malegaon (April 1921), Malabar (August 1921), Gulbarga (August 1924) and Kohat (September 1924) The book ends with George Santayana statement, "those who do not learn from history are doomed, and dare I say, cursed and condemned to repeat it". By constantly drawing the attention of reader to, "Draw parallels between the challenges faced by the Indic civilisation during the tumultuous period of 1905–1924 on the one hand, and present-day Bharat on the other".( Location 167-169 ) leaving the question in the minds, are we living in Khilafat 2.0?

  3. 4 out of 5

    Sajith Kumar

    The traditional accounts of India’s freedom struggle make us believe that Muslim League raised the demand of Pakistan with the Lahore Declaration in Mar 1940 and thereby creating the Two-Nation theory. It then grew so strong in the coming years as to receive acceptance even from Gandhi a few years later. As a result, the country was partitioned in 1947. This argument posits that the Two-Nation theory was a political idea put forward by the Muslim League, which was a political party. However, it The traditional accounts of India’s freedom struggle make us believe that Muslim League raised the demand of Pakistan with the Lahore Declaration in Mar 1940 and thereby creating the Two-Nation theory. It then grew so strong in the coming years as to receive acceptance even from Gandhi a few years later. As a result, the country was partitioned in 1947. This argument posits that the Two-Nation theory was a political idea put forward by the Muslim League, which was a political party. However, it was not difficult for discerning readers to shred this popular, comforting and infantile fiction to pieces with a little application of common sense. This book attributes the theory as a purely religious one having its origins in the minds of a few bigoted men after the disintegration of Mughal Empire by the middle of the eighteenth century. It is a fundamental principle in Islam that asks its followers to reside in a country where the Sharia law is in place. If it is not, they have two options. One is to fight their way to power by overthrowing the rulers through a holy war and make Sharia rule the land. But if the ruling agency is very powerful, this may not be possible and the believers are then exhorted to migrate to a country where Islamic law is in place. When Mughals ruled India in their prime, the entire land lay under the yoke of Sharia and offered the perfect abode of domicile for Muslims. With the decline of the Mughals, the Marathas, Jats, Sikhs and Rajputs assumed dominance in North India. Islamic revivalist movements came up in this period as a response to this loss of political power which grew into prominence under different guises in the coming centuries. Muslims were pacified under British ascendancy after 1857, but as soon as democratic reforms began to be implemented, they feared Hindu oppression owing to their superior numbers. As far as religious principles went, the British were at least People of the Book, while Hindus were ‘despised polytheists’. The Two-Nation theory thus originated from the reluctance of pious Muslims to live under Hindu rule which came into being in the eighteenth century. This book is the second in the trilogy on India’s constitutional development written by J. Sai Deepak and asserts that the Two-Nation theory cast its shadows on every political development such as the partition of Bengal, establishment of separate electorate for Muslims and the Khilafat Movement. The first volume was reviewed earlier in this blog. What makes Sai Deepak stand out from the crowd of authors who had handled this subject earlier is his original thinking which found the real origins of the Two-Nation theory to the collapse of the most powerful Muslim empire in India – the Mughals. After its disintegration, the Islamic scholars sought solace in going back to the fundamentals of the religion and to revive it thereby. Shah Waliullah Dehlawi is the most prominent cleric of this period who propounded the bigoted tenets of Wahhabism which he encountered during his stay in Arabia. He exhorted the Muslims of the subcontinent not to integrate into society, since contact with Hindus would contaminate their Islamic purity. He urged them to see themselves as part of a global Ummah (religious community). He mandated them to follow the customs and mores of the Prophet. He was such a Sunni hardliner that he allowed Shias to celebrate their festivals in public but only with strict moderation. The Hindu infidels were not even permitted this somewhat shard of a privilege. Waliullah hated India, his homeland, so much that he invited the Afghan warlord Ahmed Shah Durrani to invade India to teach the infidels a lesson. In his letter, he detailed the strengths and weaknesses of Marathas and Jats. This was how the Two-Nation theory sprouted in India. The author then lists out the religious movements that spread in all parts of the country like wildfire. The Faraizi Movement in Bengal founded by Haji Shariatullah in the 1820s was a violent organisation. Atrocities against Hindus spread in Bengal as its consequence, including destruction of temples and idols. Under Syed Ahmed Barelwi’s lead, Muslims in Bengal joined pan-Indian networks to fight common enemies such as the Sikh kingdom in Punjab. With Wahhabi influence, it became a practice in some Muslim families to earmark a portion of their earnings for contribution to jihad or to send their men to participate in it at least for a few months. Wahhabi thought was taken forward by other schools such as Ahl-i-Hadith, Deobandi, Barelwi, Nadwah and Aligarh movements. Clubbing the Aligarh Movement with other hard-line religious associations may surprise some naïve souls. It is true that Aligarh was the only place where Islamic teaching was juxtaposed with modern Western learning, but the religious axis on which it turned was the same as the others. The combined effect of Syed Ahmed Khan and Jamal al-Din Afghani was the simultaneous growth of Muslim nationalism and pan-Islamism. Khan openly professed that Muslims are a separate nation in India and his reconciliation with pan-Islamism did not bode well for India. Liberal thinkers attribute all the blame for religious unrest in India to the ‘Divide-and-Rule’ policy of the British. Here, Deepak makes a sagacious observation. To blame the ‘Divide-and-Rule’ policy is to wistfully and willfully ignore uncomfortable and ‘unsecular’ facts. The British policy succeeded only because there were serious, pre-existing and irreconcilable religious, cultural, linguistic and civilizational fissures between the two communities. We were divided and they ruled. The partition of Bengal was the definite moment in which the Muslim nation first asserted itself. This critical episode is given a fitting coverage in the book. The partition was more on religious lines than administrative convenience as the newly formed province of East Bengal and Assam was having a Muslim majority and became a centre of consolidation of Muslim interests and the point of convergence of Muslim organisations from across the country. Muslim associations in the new province celebrated Oct 16, 1905, the day on which the partition was officially declared, as a day of rejoicing. Congress and other Hindu organisations strongly opposed the measure and the agitation continued till it was partially withdrawn in 1911. However, Bengali Muslims stayed away from anti-partition protests and remained loyal to the British. Meanwhile, the British introduced reservation for Muslims in government jobs in the new province. Ulemas toured the province with incendiary speeches that led to widespread attacks on Hindus, especially women. This was a dress rehearsal for the ethnic pogrom against Hindus unleashed in 1946-47 in the same regions. When the partition was annulled, Bihar and Orissa was separated from the parent province. Now, the unity of Bengal was ensured, but the entire province then became one with a Muslim majority. While the Bengal partition produced a physical shape of the Muslim nation, the 1909 Morley-Minto reforms outstretched its vicious tentacles with separate electorates for Muslims. This sordid chapter also finds prominent mention in the book. While all other minorities such as Christians, Parsees, Jews and others were treated as members of the general electorate, Muslims as a community was offered a separate electorate. In this manner, Muslim separatism was constitutionally cemented in the political psyche of India. Not content with that, Muslims were also given more seats than their population numbers warranted in view of the ‘historical and political superiority of Muslims’. The Congress, especially its moderate faction, had taken colonization as a time for beneficial political apprenticeship and wanted to present a united front to Britain to secure self-government. Naturally, they were willing to make critical concessions to Muslim demands to keep them along. The Muslim League realized this weakness early on and exploited it to the hilt. Deepak establishes that appeasement of the Muslim League was entrenched in Congress well before Gandhi took centre-stage. Jinnah assumed an amphibian role at this time by becoming a member of both Congress and the League and put his membership of the Congress to good use of Muslim community by softening the opposition within Congress to separate electorates for Muslims. Another major contribution of the book is its categorical establishment that Gandhi was not the originator of Congress’ Muslim appeasement. It started right from that party’s birth in 1885 and went into overdrive after Muslim League’s formation in 1906. At least in one instance, it went far more than the League was willing to go – on the issue of the fate of the Turkish sultan who was also the caliph of Muslims who was defeated by Britain and its allies in the First World War. Gandhi’s rise as a national leader was significantly owed to the Khilafat Movement. His agitation against the Rowlatt Act too was made possible due to the support of the Khilafatists. This was the first time Muslims came out on the warpath after 1857, but unfortunately, it was for a cause not even remotely connected to India’s destiny. In fact, its pan-Islamic objectives threatened the national aspirations of India. Maulana Muhammad Ali declared that he will assist the Afghans if they invaded India. This open threat alienated a sizeable cross-section of Hindu supporters. Within no time, the Khilafat agitation changed track and turned into forced conversion and ethnic cleansing of Hindus, especially in Malabar in 1921. The horrifying fact was that the Khilafat leaders refused to condemn the brutal atrocities even after they were widely published by the Press. Maulana Hazrat Mohani, who was one of the founders of the Communist Party of India (CPI), informed in a meeting that ‘since the Moplahs suspected their Hindu neighbours of colluding with the government, they were justified in presenting the Quran to the Hindus. And if the Hindus became Musalmans to save themselves from death, it was a voluntary change of faith and not forcible conversion (p.469). This was how the Khilafat leaders actually justified the murder, rape and forced conversion while the Congress leaders continued to keep their eyes firmly shut. Another idea this book conveys is the longevity of the fundamental Indic consciousness that animates the Indian communal being. Indic consciousness was able to produce society-based institutions and individuals who constantly and uncompromisingly advanced the Indic civilizational cause and space in the two waves of Middle Eastern and European colonialism. This ability preserved the Consciousness then but is now dulled and stifled under the third wave of colonization, namely, under the Nehruvian Marxist/post-colonial establishment which even refuses to acknowledge the Middle Eastern colonialism which ravaged the country perhaps much more detrimentally than the British. This book is rather huge even though it covers only the period from 1905 to 1924. It is a worthy follower of the first book of the trilogy – India that is Bharat – in content, but rather less enjoyable due to the frequent and very long extracts from speeches, books, memorials and debates. At least a quarter of the book is filled with verbatim reproduction of speeches on 1909 reforms and the Khilafat. This is very tiring for the reader as the author seems to have taken a temporary leave of absence and left the readers to deal directly with the jargon and vocabulary of politicians who lived more than a century ago. The book consistently uses the terms Bharat/Bharatiya for India/Indian which proclaims its firm mooring to Indian, er, Bharatiya consciousness. The author also emphasizes the Hindu roots of Sikhs and how fanatical Muslims treated both as the same. The unseating of the Khalsa kingdom of Lahore was a sworn objective of Wahhabi extremists in the early half of the nineteenth century. This is especially valid as the Khalistanis are now hand in glove with the Wahhabis. The book is highly recommended.

  4. 5 out of 5

    Gaurav Lele

    It took me 3 weeks to complete the first section of the book. I completed the rest of the book in 2 days. This itself is a review in a nutshell. If I had to give a one phrase review for book 1 it would be “Overstated yet immensely Consequential“, if I have to do the same for book 2 it would be “About time or Oh My Gods“. This is not to say I don’t have disagreements with the book – especially some of author’s conclusions, but the overwhelming thrust of the book is something I strongly agree with It took me 3 weeks to complete the first section of the book. I completed the rest of the book in 2 days. This itself is a review in a nutshell. If I had to give a one phrase review for book 1 it would be “Overstated yet immensely Consequential“, if I have to do the same for book 2 it would be “About time or Oh My Gods“. This is not to say I don’t have disagreements with the book – especially some of author’s conclusions, but the overwhelming thrust of the book is something I strongly agree with. Firstly, the book busts all the popular notions of two-nation theory and it being solely a creation of the British. The author effectively traces the modern origins of the two-nation theory to Syed Ahmad Khan and the Aligarh movement at the very least. The book also covers some of the lesser-known events from the 19th century – the Wahhabi movement and the conflict in the Northwestern frontier province. The book makes it abundantly clear that Islamic revivalism was less a reaction to Colonialism and more a reaction to Hindu and Sikh resurgence. The fact that both the British and Muslims saw each other as closer religiously and hence more acceptable/worthy instead of the “Hindu” is driven through via a vast number of primary sources. The common trope among the secular (even Hindutva discourse) about the Syncretic nature of Sufis is addressed (though I felt the author didn’t fully go into this question). Secondly, the book also goes into origins and progress of “Moderate Nationalism” under Indian National Congress right up to the ascendency of the “Mahatma”. I had expected the author to be slightly unfair to the Indian National congress and especially the role of Gandhiji but to my surprise he hasn’t. Though some conclusions may seem a tad unfair at times but because the author relies heavily on primary references the “judgement” is moderated. Most importantly the support of Khilafat which is put firmly on the shoulders of Gandhiji in Hindutva circles, is clearly shown to be a mainstream view of Indian National Congress years before ascendency of Gandhiji, absolving Gandhiji of some of the blame. The book becomes unputdownable after the Lucknow Pact, as the Hindu-Muslim unity discussed here which didn’t even last a decade remains as relevant today as ever. The riots covered in the end of the book – especially the Mopla carnage is almost unbearable to read reminding the reader of Kashmir. The letter by Annie Beasant to Gandhiji stands out. The book also brings into focus some of the lesser-known riots like Kohat. Incidentally the trigger for the Kohat ethnic cleansing was blasphemy, a topic which continues to remain as relevant as ever. As I write this review a century after Mopla Riots, raids are conducted on Popular Front of India members while the PFI supporters can call for Hartals with partial success in Malabar coast. Full review ; https://www.brownpundits.com/2022/09/...

  5. 4 out of 5

    Nick906

    Coloniality in action and its repercussions First things first, although you can read this book on its own, to properly comprehend what the author wants to convey you should read the first book of the trilogy, “India, that is Bharat”. The reason is, the first books set the concepts or templates (sort of like a formula or theory) of colonialism and this book explains the effects of those templates. Now coming to the book itself. Once in a while, you read a book that opens up your mind and bring abo Coloniality in action and its repercussions First things first, although you can read this book on its own, to properly comprehend what the author wants to convey you should read the first book of the trilogy, “India, that is Bharat”. The reason is, the first books set the concepts or templates (sort of like a formula or theory) of colonialism and this book explains the effects of those templates. Now coming to the book itself. Once in a while, you read a book that opens up your mind and bring about a mass awakening. This book, or shall I say both the books of the trilogy, is doing just that. Have you observed something through the events around you and in history which resulted in questions in your mind? The questions of whose answers you had a vague inkling but lacked proper understanding of proper concepts and words. Well, this book fills that void for you through logical arguments based on proof from original sources. Building upon the concepts from the first book, the book goes deep into explaining what implications coloniality can have on the fortunes of a country like Bharat. In this book, the author has mainly focused on earlier coloniality than the British, i.e. Middle Eastern coloniality, and the coloniality propagated by the British helped in reviving this earlier form of coloniality. Starting from the period of decline of the Mughal Empire and the advent of the British, up until the 1924 period the author presents the case for the continuous effect of Middle Eastern coloniality including its role in the partition of Bengal. The book proves what how the reason for those events was two types of coloniality working in tandem to the detriment of India. The last section is where it gets really interesting. For all the buildup that was happening throughout the book, the last section is the climax which proves what dangerous effects coloniality can have on the lives of people. Up until that point, you really start to wonder whether it’s all an intellectual and how it affects us if a community is suffering from coloniality. The accounts of the Malabar riots/Moplah riots are gut-wrenching and eye-opening. As I mentioned in the review of the first book itself, the author is a Supreme Court lawyer and it reflects in his writing in how he presents his arguments by marshaling authentic proofs in support. My one gripe with the first book was that the language of the book was let’s say, very academic. The author has improved upon that. The language is lucid and easy to read for a layman. Don’t make the mistake of thinking of what this book explains as history. If you are even a little aware, you will see the implications and similarities with what is happening all around you today too. I'll end this review with last line of the book: ...those who do not learn from history are doomed, and dare I say, cursed and condemned to repeat it.

  6. 5 out of 5

    Somnath Sarkar

    A much needed book. Must read for anyone interested in Indian History.

  7. 4 out of 5

    Yajush

    J Sai Deepak is metamorphosing into a brilliant writer and historian. This instalment has clearly established that. He will be looked upon by every Indian who ever felt that the history taught in our schools and universities doesn't have semblance with our societal experience. In this book too the author unabashedly presents his argument and iroclads it with unfiltered facts which were conveniently glossed over by mainstream 'Historians'. The last chaper on Mopla outrage is bound to give sleeples J Sai Deepak is metamorphosing into a brilliant writer and historian. This instalment has clearly established that. He will be looked upon by every Indian who ever felt that the history taught in our schools and universities doesn't have semblance with our societal experience. In this book too the author unabashedly presents his argument and iroclads it with unfiltered facts which were conveniently glossed over by mainstream 'Historians'. The last chaper on Mopla outrage is bound to give sleepless nights. Through out the book reader witness the thinking and philosophy of our so called 'tall leaders' and the injustice done to a lot of great voices. Having read the first book, the writing this time is lucid, seamless and arguments kept crisp. But most importantly writer takes a back seat and lets the facts do the talking, which is paramount in assessing historical events. Classic example of "Read, understand and draw your conclusions" A MUST READ..!!!

  8. 4 out of 5

    Rakesh Kalani

    Second book of this series, this book wonderfully connects the dots of middle eastern coloniality in India right from the fall of Mughals after Aurangzeb. The book dares and presents a different account of the Indian independence movement (different from the narrative taught to us). The book clearly points to the coloniality and western consciousness with which the Congress worked during the independence movement. The height of coloniality being that till mid 1920s the Congress didn't even think Second book of this series, this book wonderfully connects the dots of middle eastern coloniality in India right from the fall of Mughals after Aurangzeb. The book dares and presents a different account of the Indian independence movement (different from the narrative taught to us). The book clearly points to the coloniality and western consciousness with which the Congress worked during the independence movement. The height of coloniality being that till mid 1920s the Congress didn't even think of a complete independence and wanted to be under umbrella of British Empire. And of course this book has ruthlessly exposed the fake narrative of Hindu Muslim unity during pre independence and the so called 'Ganga Jamuna Tehzeeb'. A 'must read' book. Eagerly waiting for the next book of this series.

  9. 4 out of 5

    Mukesh Rai Dixit

    3.5/5 This book, in my opinion, is a worthy followup to the first part of the Bharat Trilogy. The writing is excellent, and the author effectively conveys his points. The excerpts for reference constitute half or even more of the book, which is a lot and is my only criticism about the book. In certain instances, it mirrored the subject; in others, it seemed superfluous or excessive. Despite the fact that it could have been better, I still enjoyed it.

  10. 4 out of 5

    Sai Santosh

  11. 4 out of 5

    Aswathy

  12. 5 out of 5

    Düsty

  13. 4 out of 5

    Kritika Rastogi

  14. 5 out of 5

    Krishna Kumar

  15. 5 out of 5

    Ajai Kumar

  16. 4 out of 5

    S

  17. 5 out of 5

    BKV

  18. 4 out of 5

    Aakash Bindal

  19. 5 out of 5

    Bhaskar Tripathi

  20. 5 out of 5

    Om Hosamane

  21. 4 out of 5

    Alex C R

  22. 4 out of 5

    prabhat

  23. 4 out of 5

    Anmol Jain

  24. 4 out of 5

    Vinay Joshi

  25. 5 out of 5

    Rishabh Sood

  26. 4 out of 5

    V. Harikrishna

  27. 5 out of 5

    Sanjeev

  28. 4 out of 5

    Shalaka Pal

  29. 5 out of 5

    Indu Muralidharan

  30. 5 out of 5

    Mayuresh

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